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主题: 【2008奥运印象】桃花映人面,刘欢把家还。。。(阿草解读版)
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作者 【2008奥运印象】桃花映人面,刘欢把家还。。。(阿草解读版)   
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文章标题: 【2008奥运印象】桃花映人面,刘欢把家还。。。(阿草解读版) (3132 reads)      时间: 2008-8-09 周六, 12:41
  

作者:海归草海归茶馆 发贴, 来自【海归网】 http://www.haiguinet.com

【2008奥运印象】桃花映人面,刘欢把家还。。。

(阿草搞笑解读版,如有不恭请谅解)





有朋自远方来!




不亦乐乎?


* 开场很震撼!小妹妹的《歌唱祖国》绝对是最最美丽的版本,一次全新的诠释和演绎。
很多人都很喜欢这个演唱,不过没有找到MP3,此贴只好附上沿用已久的大合唱给大家听。有的朋友,请告诉我哪里可以“下仔”小林妹妹版《歌唱祖国》。谢谢。(林妙可,九岁,北京人)

* 歌唱我们亲爱的祖国,从此走向繁荣富强!
不过,中国现在的新世纪与五十年代还是有所差别。以前是要“繁荣富强”,而国内现在喜欢用的词叫“繁荣昌盛”,或“繁荣娼盛”。很多人好像不太理解为什么“活字印刷”最后盛开了无数朵桃花?不使用国花,如梅花、牡丹之类正气之花,或符合夏令之清新荷花什么的,即使生命力旺盛的红杜鹃也可展示国人的坚强,张导偏偏用了桃花。
其实,阿草以为,此乃寓意深刻。国人理解的改革开发,正是从“桃花朵朵处处开”的地方来理解的,也是从上而下身体力行的全国性运动。时至今日,仍旧有无数同胞以为美国是极乐自由世界。(孰不知,可怜的美国,连奥运开幕直播都看不到。今天读报那个可怜的爱德华:老婆就要死了就是搞个42岁的老女人还给整得低头认罪,好不可怜!那象62岁老中,天天18岁川妹子轮番洗脚。。。)

所以,那个桃花是绝对有巨大的象征意思的,再加上,后面还有一大堆男人,戴着绿帽子,在那里欢快地跳舞。阿草觉得:桃花盛开的中国现在实在是BH。得想办法混个中国国籍。

* 在看的时候,确实不理解为什么后来的表演越来越阴柔。前面的焰火大脚,一步一个,数千人同步演出那雄壮震撼的缶声,+ 稚嫩清醇的童音,+悠扬激荡的古琴,很美妙啊。
后来“千呼万唤始出来”的极端保密主题歌,又短又柔,一点也没有体育的感觉。还以为是在酝酿前戏呢,结果没有任何高亢激昂就结束了。唉。无法享受高潮。很郁闷的说。

* 那个猪头欢欢哥,脖子比我家养的缩头乌龟还短,穿件黑色T桖就上台开唱。真丢人啊。(MD,波儿呢?)

* 猪头配美女、鲜花插牛粪。欢欢拉着莎拉白白的小手,回家享福了。We are family。
终于感悟:也许,这个就是与国际接轨吧。这个就是张大导演YY的“中国的就是世界的”意境吧。也好:
让中国猪头,都去配英女、美女、德女。。。
让中国恐龙,都走出国门,投入白种洋人毛茸茸的怀抱!

* 和和和!
和为贵。和平崛起,恐怕不容易啊。连老孔都说过:以直报怨!希望国人不要忘记。
另外,希望中国是“和而不同”,光河蟹也不是办法啊。大禹还知道疏导呢。

* 一些败笔:
后来朗朗弹琴时候边上小女孩是归网的“红袖添香”吗?尽捣乱。
还有好好的京剧,竟然是四个小木偶,看得观众好辛苦啊。

* 李宁点火炬,有点夸父逐日的味道,很辛苦啊。胖了点,真怕走不了那么长的路啊。
老是问:为什么为什么为什么?李宁不敌温州土鳖的番茄炒蛋?

* CCAV的导播,一向拍惯了AV,注重什么“颜摄”!(英文money shot)老是忘记这个是数千人的多P表演,镜头总是盯着细部,真没有大局观!难道没人告诉你:这是一盘很大的棋局吗?!(TNND,7456)

* 最后,衷心感谢老谋子五颜六色、缤纷绚丽的中国元素大荟萃的火锅大餐!






鲜花比牛粪高





大脚来了










最后,中式节目欣赏好了。再上点西洋大餐。Just some reality check。

A Long Wait at the Gate to Greatness

By John Pomfret
Sunday, July 27, 2008; Page B01


Nikita Khrushchev said the Soviet Union would bury us, but these days, everybody seems to think that China is the one wielding the shovel. The People's Republic is on the march -- economically, militarily, even ideologically. Economists expect its GDP to surpass America's by 2025; its submarine fleet is reportedly growing five times faster than Washington's; even its capitalist authoritarianism is called a real alternative to the West's liberal democracy. China, the drumbeat goes, is poised to become the 800-pound gorilla of the international system, ready to dominate the 21st century the way the United States dominated the 20th.

Except that it's not.

Ever since I returned to the United States in 2004 from my last posting to China, as this newspaper's Beijing bureau chief, I've been struck by the breathless way we talk about that country. So often, our perceptions of the place have more to do with how we look at ourselves than with what's actually happening over there. Worried about the U.S. education system? China's becomes a model. Fretting about our military readiness? China's missiles pose a threat. Concerned about slipping U.S. global influence? China seems ready to take our place.


But is China really going to be another superpower? I doubt it.

It's not that I'm a China-basher, like those who predict its collapse because they despise its system and assume that it will go the way of the Soviet Union. I first went to China in 1980 as a student, and I've followed its remarkable transformation over the past 28 years. I met my wife there and call it a second home. I'm hardly expecting China to implode. But its dream of dominating the century isn't going to become a reality anytime soon.

Too many constraints are built into the country's social, economic and political systems. For four big reasons -- dire demographics, an overrated economy, an environment under siege and an ideology that doesn't travel well -- China is more likely to remain the muscle-bound adolescent of the international system than to become the master of the world.

In the West, China is known as "the factory to the world," the land of unlimited labor where millions are eager to leave the hardscrabble countryside for a chance to tighten screws in microwaves or assemble Apple's latest gizmo. If the country is going to rise to superpowerdom, says conventional wisdom, it will do so on the back of its massive workforce.

But there's a hitch: China's demographics stink. No country is aging faster than the People's Republic, which is on track to become the first nation in the world to get old before it gets rich. Because of the Communist Party's notorious one-child-per-family policy, the average number of children born to a Chinese woman has dropped from 5.8 in the 1970s to 1.8 today -- below the rate of 2.1 that would keep the population stable. Meanwhile, life expectancy has shot up, from just 35 in 1949 to more than 73 today. Economists worry that as the working-age population shrinks, labor costs will rise, significantly eroding one of China's key competitive advantages.

Worse, Chinese demographers such as Li Jianmin of Nankai University now predict a crisis in dealing with China's elderly, a group that will balloon from 100 million people older than 60 today to 334 million by 2050, including a staggering 100 million age 80 or older. How will China care for them? With pensions? Fewer than 30 percent of China's urban dwellers have them, and none of the country's 700 million farmers do. And China's state-funded pension system makes Social Security look like Fort Knox. Nicholas Eberstadt, a demographer and economist at the American Enterprise Institute, calls China's demographic time bomb "a slow-motion humanitarian tragedy in the making" that will "probably require a rewrite of the narrative of the rising China."

I count myself lucky to have witnessed China's economic rise first-hand and seen its successes etched on the bodies of my Chinese classmates. When I first met them in the early 1980s, my fellow students were hard and thin as rails; when I found them again almost 20 years later, they proudly sported what the Chinese call the "boss belly." They now golfed and lolled around in swanky saunas.

But in our exuberance over these incredible economic changes, we seem to have forgotten that past performance doesn't guarantee future results. Not a month goes by without some Washington think tank crowing that China's economy is overtaking America's. The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is the latest, predicting earlier this month that the Chinese economy would be twice the size of ours by the middle of the century.

There are two problems with predictions like these. First, in the universe where these reports are generated, China's graphs always go up, never down. Second, while the documents may include some nuance, it vanishes when the studies are reported to the rest of us.

One important nuance we keep forgetting is the sheer size of China's population: about 1.3 billion, more than four times that of the United States. China should have a big economy. But on a per capita basis, the country isn't a dragon; it's a medium-size lizard, sitting in 109th place on the International Monetary Fund's World Economic Outlook Database, squarely between Swaziland and Morocco. China's economy is large, but its average living standard is low, and it will stay that way for a very long time, even assuming that the economy continues to grow at impressive rates.

The big number wheeled out to prove that China is eating our economic lunch is the U.S. trade deficit with China, which last year hit $256 billion. But again, where's the missing nuance? Nearly 60 percent of China's total exports are churned out by companies not owned by Chinese (including plenty of U.S. ones). When it comes to high-tech exports such as computers and electronic goods, 89 percent of China's exports come from non-Chinese-owned companies. China is part of the global system, but it's still the low-cost assembly and manufacturing part -- and foreign, not Chinese, firms are reaping the lion's share of the profits.

When my family and I left China in 2004, we moved to Los Angeles, the smog capital of the United States. No sooner had we set foot in southern California than my son's asthma attacks and chronic chest infections -- so worryingly frequent in Beijing -- stopped. When people asked me why we'd moved to L.A., I started joking, "For the air."


China's environmental woes are no joke. This year, China will surpass the United States as the world's No. 1 emitter of greenhouse gases. It continues to be the largest depleter of the ozone layer. And it's the largest polluter of the Pacific Ocean. But in the accepted China narrative, the country's environmental problems will merely mean a few breathing complications for the odd sprinter at the Beijing games. In fact, they could block the country's rise.

The problem is huge: Sixteen of the world's 20 most polluted cities are in China, 70 percent of the country's lakes and rivers are polluted, and half the population lacks clean drinking water. The constant smoggy haze over northern China diminishes crop yields. By 2030, the nation will face a water shortage equal to the amount it consumes today; factories in the northwest have already been forced out of business because there just isn't any water. Even Chinese government economists estimate that environmental troubles shave 10 percent off the country's gross domestic product each year. Somehow, though, the effect this calamity is having on China's rise doesn't quite register in the West .

And then there's "Kung Fu Panda." That Hollywood movie embodies the final reason why China won't be a superpower: Beijing's animating ideas just aren't that animating.

In recent years, we've been bombarded with articles and books about China's rising global ideological influence. (One typical title: "Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power Is Transforming the World.") These works portray China's model -- a one-party state with a juggernaut economy -- as highly attractive to elites in many developing nations, although China's dreary current crop of acolytes (Zimbabwe, Burma and Sudan) don't amount to much of a threat.

But consider the case of the high-kicking panda who uses ancient Chinese teachings to turn himself into a kung fu warrior. That recent Hollywood smash broke Chinese box-office records -- and caused no end of hand-wringing among the country's glitterati. "The film's protagonist is China's national treasure, and all the elements are Chinese, but why didn't we make such a film?" Wu Jiang, president of the China National Peking Opera Company, told the official New China News Agency.

The content may be Chinese, but the irreverence and creativity of "Kung Fu Panda" are 100 percent American. That highlights another weakness in the argument about China's inevitable rise: The place remains an authoritarian state run by a party that limits the free flow of information, stifles ingenuity and doesn't understand how to self-correct. Blockbusters don't grow out of the barrel of a gun. Neither do superpowers in the age of globalization.

And yet we seem to revel in overestimating China. One recent evening, I was at a party where a senior aide to a Democratic senator was discussing the business deal earlier this year in which a Chinese state-owned investment company had bought a big chunk of the Blackstone Group, a U.S. investment firm. The Chinese company has lost more than $1 billion, but the aide wouldn't believe that it was just a bum investment. "It's got to be part of a broader plan," she insisted. "It's China."

I tried to convince her otherwise. I don't think I succeeded.

[email protected]

John Pomfret is the editor of Outlook. He is a former Beijing bureau chief of The Washington Post and the author of "Chinese Lessons: Five Classmates and the Story of the New China."

作者:海归草海归茶馆 发贴, 来自【海归网】 http://www.haiguinet.com









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